2002 ELECTIONS: No Mandate For The Ultra Right

December 11, 2002

Report to the National Committee
November 16, 2002, New York City

At the beginning of the 2002 election cycle, we set three inter-related goals for ourselves: 1) to play a part toward defeat of the ultra-right; 2) to build political independence; and 3) to build the Communist Party at the grass roots.

This meeting gives us an opportunity to examine the results of the election and our own work, and develop our approach for the next stage of struggle.

Republican right-wing control of all branches of federal government on behalf of the biggest corporate and military monopolies is a most dangerous step back for economic and labor rights, democratic and civil rights and peace. Mass organizing is on the order of the day, to blunt and counter the administration agenda and to stop the war on Iraq.

While Bush and the Republicans claimed, on the campaign trail, to be concerned about issues affecting working people, not a moment has been lost post-election to push through a pro-corporate, pro-military, anti-worker agenda.

The warning light is flashing.

The first step was denial of union rights for workers covered under Homeland Security. On the drawing boards are plans to privatize 850,000 government workers’ jobs, right-wing judicial appointments, and a perpetual state of war.

Under cover of fear of terrorism, the administration is preparing to limit and further attack civil rights and union rights; gut environmental protection, and allocate unlimited sums for tax breaks for the rich and excessive military spending, leaving nothing for people’s needs.
In Connecticut, days after re-election Republican Governor John Rowland who demagogically portrayed himself as a friend to workers, announced that 3,000 state workers’ jobs would immediately be eliminated because the union would not give in to concessions. The same is shaping up around the country.

Every aspect of life is up for struggle. For the millions — and growing — of unemployed workers, the struggle is how to put food on the table and keep a roof over the head. For seniors it is the choice between medicine and heat. For workers, it is the right to a union. For immigrants, it is the right to be treated equally. For young people, it is the chance for an education and the fear of being killed at war. For the whole world, it is saving the planet from nuclear destruction.

The Bush administration and the media portray this election as a Republican sweep. A deeper look shows that the election results are not all in one direction. They are close and quite varied, including some significant victories, especially at the local level.

As Rep. John Conyers put it on November 6, ‘Political cross-dressing has provided the Republican Party no mandate for a radical conservative agenda’ of tax cuts for the rich, judicial appointments and tort reform. ‘The most important thing is the economy.’

Nancy Pelosi’s election as House Minority leader is a result of the closeness of the contested races, the large votes received by most members of the Progressive Caucus, and grass roots pressure from a section of Democrats who are demanding a strong, opposition program to the Bush agenda, including the AFL-CIO, NOW, the Congressional Black Caucus, and groups like Progressive Majority, Voices4Change and MoveOn.

There is a big struggle underway within the Democratic Party as a result of the lack of a frontal attack on the Bush program in this election, including the divided votes on the tax cut and the war.

There is discussion within the labor movement as well. Mark Anderson of the Food and Allied Trades makes the point, ‘If anything, this election should demonstrate to those people who want to be centrists that it’s a failed tactic.’ AFL-CIO President John Sweeney says, ‘we (labor) are going to drive an agenda’.

Across the country discussions are being held, experiences studied, thinking developed about how to give voice to the majority who oppose tax giveaways to the rich, how to give voice to the majority who oppose unilateral military action against Iraq, how to give voice to the majority who oppose privatization of social security and other social programs.

Strategy sessions are being held to overcome the breaks in unity in the labor and people’s organizations that occurred in these elections. Labor is debating how to combine union organizing with building a political base given the resources at hand.

Peace organizations and economic rights groups are figuring out how to organize a mass movement around people’s needs. And throughout the country, questions are being raised about the future of the political system, and how to unfold a new level of independence with ordinary people in the drivers’ seat instead of big money interests.

Our assessment of the 2002 elections should be geared toward developing the next stage of fight-back in the face of stepped up reaction. We should enter into the public discussion from a partisan viewpoint, in the interests of the working class and people, on the side of peace and democracy.

A lot of wonderful work was done by our districts and clubs across the country and by our press in this election. Many alliances were forged or strengthened, especially with labor activists, and within the African American and Latino communities and with environmentalists, young people, women, retirees and in rural areas.

In some cases our work helped produce electoral victories, including in Arizona, Maryland, New Jersey, Illinois, California, Pennsylvania, and New York.

Our work often broke new ground for continued grass-roots organizing, coalition building, recruitment and Party building. Some new clubs were formed, including in Connecticut and New York (Harlem).

Heroic and relentless work was done in the eye of the storm alongside thousands of union volunteers: in Minnesota for Paul Wellstone, the conscience of the Senate, and then carrying on after the fatal plane crash; and in Florida campaigning against all odds to defeat Jeb Bush.

Two new union leaders were elected to Congress: Linda Sanchez (CD 39) California, former executive officer of the Orange County Labor Council (with Loretta, the first sisters to serve at the same time), and Michael Michaud (CD2), Maine, PACE. About 400 union activists were elected to public office this year, bringing the total to about 3,000, most in city, state, and local offices.

Progress was made in the development of working class based third parties in New York and Connecticut (Working Families Party) and in Vermont (Progressive Party) and in certain instances we worked with local Green Party candidates.

We especially appreciate and congratulate our own candidates in this election cycle, all of whom received many labor and other endorsements and support:

In Jacksonville, Florida for Soil and Water Conservation Board, Russell Pelle who received 30% of the vote, with 54,004 votes; In Waterbury, Connecticut for State Senator on the Working Families Party line, Blair Bertaccini, president of the Western Connecticut Central Labor Council, who received 8.2% of the vote with 1,115 votes achieving minor party ballot status; in the Allston-Brighton section of Boston for City Council, Gary Dotterman who received 3.25% of the vote in a field of nine.


The Republicans have a majority in the Senate with at least 51 seats, pending the December 7 runoff in Louisiana. Had Paul Wellstone not perished, it is likely that the Republicans would only have 50 seats. In the House, the Republicans increased their majority by 5, primarily through redistricting and open seats for a total of 206 Democrats, 228 Republicans and 1 independent.

The high profile Senate races were for the most part in states carried by Bush in 2000. These are areas with low union density. The Republicans pulled out all the stops to keep those seats and erode others in the Senate and the House.

One incumbent Republican, Tim Hutchinson in Arkansas, was defeated by Mark Pryor. Two incumbent Democrats were narrowly defeated: Max Cleland in Georgia, and Jean Carnahan in Missouri. Both had voted for the Bush tax giveaway and for the Iraq war resolution. Comrades in Missouri report that the GOP manipulated voters’ fears on terrorism and war, and Democrats were not able to make Bush’s failed economic policy the focus of the campaign.

Overall, those Democrats that distinguished themselves from the Republicans and presented the strongest program got sizeable votes in this election, including the three Senators who voted against the Iraq war resolution. When the Republicans made that vote an issue in Richard Durbin’s campaign in Illinois, it backfired. Durbin received the highest statewide vote percentage.

In the House, gains include: Arizona (7 CD), progressive Democrat and community activist Raul Grijalva will be Arizona’s second ever Chicano Congressman, joining Ed Pastor who easily carried his Phoenix inner city district; the defeat of Republican incumbent Connie Morella by Chris Van Hollen in Maryland (CD8); the defeat of Republican incumbent Felix Grucci by Timothy Bishop in New York (CD 1); the election of Kendrick Meeks in FL (17 CD) Miami-Dade to the seat held by his mother Carrie Meeks who just retired, the and the election of Joseph Hoeffel ( CD 13), in an open seat, despite a racist campaign directed against him and the African American mayor of Philadelphia in opposition to Section 8 housing.

A number of the labor targeted races for open seats or redistricted seats with two incumbents were hard fought, but not won. For Senate, Chellie Pingree got 42% of the vote against incumbent Republican Susan Collins in Maine. Thousands of Pingree volunteers knocked on 250,000 doors. ‘We are not only able to run strong, proudly progressive campaigns, but we must’, said Pingree who called for ‘using our energy to fight for issues’. Her strong campaign for prescription drug coverage forced Collins to move to a more advanced position.

In the House, Ed O’Brien in Pennsylvania and Joe Courtney in Connecticut who were challenging Republican incumbents, Democratic incumbent Jim Maloney in Connecticut, who was running against Republican incumbent Nancy Johnson due to redistricting, and Jill Thompson running for an open seat in Indiana, had strong labor programs and broad coalitions, but did not win. Thompson won in the heavy labor areas, but lost in the rural counties.

The influence of money in politics is especially clear in the Maloney-Johnson race. The pharmaceutical industry spent more on Johnson, who chairs the House Ways and Means Subcommittee on Health, than any candidate in the country, giving Johnson a million dollar advantage in the small state of Connecticut.


Republican Governors were re-elected in Florida, New York, and Connecticut, and Republicans captured three states: Maryland, Massachusetts and Minnesota.

Democrats held on to the California Governor and Washington legislature, and won Governors in six states: New Mexico, Arizona (first time in 20 years), and several mid-west states key for the 2004 election Illinois, Pennsylvania, Michigan and Oklahoma.

In a stunning victory in Illinois, Rev. James Meeks, the new president of the Rainbow/Push Coalition beat an entrenched machine incumbent candidate, Shaw, for State senate. Meeks ran on the Honesty and Integrity party line as an independent Democrat because Shaw had the Democratic line. Shaw had tried to unseat Jesse Jackson Jr with a phony candidate also named Jesse Jackson. Meeks ran with the other statewide Democratic candidates and had the total support of the Jackson family, labor, and many religious forces in the Black community. Denice Miles writes: ‘I am a witness, in some ways this effort was more incredible than the Harold Washington upset.’


In New York the Working Families Party campaigned for Carl McCall for Governor, and was the main force after his campaign essentially collapsed. Nearly 85,000 people voted for McCall on the Working Families line, 6% of his total vote. They came to the conclusion that ‘A party that articulates it’s beliefs with no double talk will be rewarded by voters’ WFP had 1400 volunteers on the street on election day. There were 15 phone banks and 51,000 friend-to-friend letters. It is interesting to note that the Liberal, Green, Right to Life and Libertarian Parties all failed to make the 50,000 minimum vote to maintain their ballot status.

The Working Families Party made its entrance into Connecticut with 25 State Rep and State Senate candidates whose goal was to get over 1% of the vote so they could became a minor party in those districts. In order to cross-endorse candidates on other ballot lines in Connecticut, minor party status is required. All 25 candidates were successful in achieving minor party status.


The Progressive Party in Vermont ran Anthony Polina for Lieutenant Governor. He got 25% of the vote, up from 9.5% two years ago. He campaigned for a tax surcharge on the wealthy, replacing property taxes with broad-based taxes to fund public education, and a single payer health care system. He was endorsed by the Vermont AFL-CIO. The campaign was a collaborative effort with Bernie Sanders and inspired a high voter turnout. Mike Bayer reports that the lack of program by the Democratic candidates for Governor and Lieutenant Governor led to their defeat.


In Maine, the first Green in the country was elected to the state legislature. John Eder, a 33 year old house painter will represent District 31. Nationally, 67 of 541 Green candidates were elected, mostly to state or local offices (twice as many as 2000), bringing the current total to 171.

The Green Party has an uneven ideology. While in some cases local candidates are ready to work broadly, there are many instances where their equating of Democrats and Republicans has led to harmful, sectarian tactics. In California, the slogan of Governor candidate Peter Camejo was ‘Vote Green not Gray’ in a close election where Bush was pushing hard for a Republican win in preparation for 2004. In New Jersey the Green candidate for US Senate Ted Glick joined with Republicans in trying to prohibit Frank Lautenberg from being on the ballot after Robert Torricelli dropped out of the race.

In both Eastern and Western Pennsylvania support was given to one or more Green candidates for state legislature. Eastern Pennsylvania worked with Green Governor candidate Mike Morrill and report that he played a positive role and was publicly credited with influencing Democrat Ed Rendell on some issues. Western Pennsylvania worked with labor for Rendell and wrote: ‘While he is a conservative Democrat, Rendell is obligated to a progressive base. He has already made a representative of these supporters as part of the transition team…. The Green candidate was not a player in the Governor race.’

It is notable that Ralph Nader endorsed several Democrats in this election, including Paul Wellstone, which is a shift in his strategy from 2000.


Ballot questions received mixed results, and some require more in-depth analysis. On the whole, voters made progressive choices except when multi-million dollar corporate media campaigns prevented equal access to information. The Ballot Initiative Strategy Center concludes: ‘voters approved many progressive ballot initiatives staunchly opposed by the right.’ Some of them include:

A movement in Florida led to the passage of funding for smaller class size. This is especially significant because Jeb Bush not only campaigned against this initiative, but stated that he had ‘devious’ ways to get around it. Bush was re-elected as Governor with the help of the White House and massive corporate funding. Democrat Bill McBride, backed by labor, retirees, women and organizations in the African American community put up a strong fight in the weeks following the September primary in which all candidates had agreed their main goal was to defeat Jeb Bush. A question calling for the elimination of bilingual education was rejected in Colorado, but unfortunately passed in Massachusetts 68% to 32% in the absence of funding to counter the opposition.

A massive campaign with 4000 labor volunteers in Los Angeles was victorious in defeating Measure F for secession of San Fernando Valley from Los Angeles 66% to 33%.

In Oregon, a measure to establish a universal health care system for residents failed 70% to 21%. The campaign was outspent by the insurance industry 32 to 1.

Voter registration on election day was voted down in California and Colorado.


This was generally a very low turnout election, 39% overall, although in some states it was considerably higher. Less than 20,000 votes decided control of the Senate. Less than 20% of the electorate voted for Republican candidates. Nearly as many voted against, and far more stayed home, underscoring the lack of a mandate for the Republican right-wing agenda.

While the lack of exit polling has slowed down estimates of voting patterns, voter registration and get out the vote efforts can be useful measures.

LABOR 2002

Nationally, the most extensive member to member contact ever was accomplished in this election, although the effort was uneven in some states. The AFL-CIO targeted 25 Governors, 16 Senators, 47 members of Congress, and dozens of state legislators for support. 17 million leaflets were distributed at work sites. 5 million phone calls were made at phone banks. 15 million pieces of mail were sent to members’ homes. 750 staff members were assigned to the effort. 4000 political coordinators volunteered their time. On election day, there were 225,000 volunteers on the street. This includes the Alliance of Retired Americans.

In the ‘battleground races,’ 72% of union members voted for the Democratic candidate. Thousands of union activists traveled to these key election districts to help volunteers from local unions and other organizations get the message out and speak with voters.

In Minnesota, members of the International Longshore Workers Union, locked out in a life-and-death battle for their union contract, were among those who rushed to work on the campaign of Walter Mondale after the shocking death of Paul Wellstone. The re-election of Wellstone, who prided himself on being a ‘labor senator’, was a top priority for Labor 2002. He was the number one target for defeat by the national Republican Party. Union members were fully mobilized across the state, along with a broad array of ordinary people and their organizations who poured into two stadiums 20,000 strong to celebrate the life of Wellstone and pledge to carry on the fight after his death.

In Texas there were 40 full-time union people working on the election. The district reports that there were new and innovative ideas including use of the computer so union leaders could download and personalize leaflets, a phone calling system where a union president could tape a message for every member, and labor day and other rallies. Florida also had a large and well-organized effort, involving many unions across the state in a concerted effort to defeat Jeb Bush.

The California report states: ‘California did not follow the national trend of electing Republicans. This can be directly related to labor’s participation in the political process on the grassroots level and coalition building…Latinos as part of labor’s working families campaign play a major role in the election process as do women voters.’.

Union voter turnout could have had a greater impact this year if there had been unity at the top. In many states, like New York, Texas and Ohio, labor was fractured. For example in Ohio the Teamsters and Building Trades endorsed the Republican candidate for governor.

Labor’s turnout had a bigger impact in 1996, 98 and 00 when labor was the only one carrying out a grass roots voter turnout operation. This year, the Republican opposition adopted the same grassroots turnout tactics.

Republicans bought huge blocks of tv advertising starting months ahead of election day in close races, which had a negative impact on getting out the vote. To counter these methods and break through the media demagogy, rallies and mass actions might have been an important addition to the direct voter contact methods.

Labor is limited to reaching its own members due to campaign finance laws, and resources. In many states, the Democratic Party did little to reach out to the unorganized urban, poor, racially oppressed voters who would have been strong supporters, relying instead on lists of past frequent Democratic voters.

Post-election John Sweeney has pledged that the labor movement will ‘put resources’ into union organizing in those states with low union density. The AFL-CIO emphasis on organizing the unorganized is connected to the ability to turn out a larger vote. The need to reach out more widely argues for building broad alliances of labor and community around economic justice issues at the local, state and federal level. Such coalitions can build an independent political base and produce both candidates and votes.


Churches and organizations like the NAACP had active voter drives across the country. In anticipation of election day problems, several hotlines were set up on November 5 by the NAACP national rapid response team, People for the American Way and the National Coalition on Black Civil Participation. They received thousands of calls about machine malfunctions, names not being on the voting rolls, and long lines, where they helped intervene. Voters in Houston, New York City, and St. Louis showed up to vote at their old polling sites, after not being informed about any change. In San Francisco, Bloomington, MN, Pulaski Co. Arkansas, polls ran out of ballots well before close.

A Harvard study, ‘Democracy Spoiled’, estimates at least 1.9 million votes went uncounted in Nov 2000, primarily in counties with large African American populations. South Carolina, Georgia, Illinois, Indiana and Wyoming all had higher rates of ballot spoilage than even Florida.


Southwest Voter Project registered 20,000 voters in eight states: Texas, New Mexico, Nevada, Florida, Utah, Colorado, Arizona, California. Their Get Out the Vote project reached 253,729 voters, with a goal of 60% turnout.

In California, Gov Gray Davis received the support of the labor movement and Latino working families because he signed into law bills for family leave, raising the minimum wage, in support of the Farmworkers and for a paid Cesar Chavez holiday. He lost the endorsement of the Latino Caucus when he vetoed legislation for drivers licenses for some immigrants. There was a historic low voter turnout state-wide, with Latino turnout and African American turnout down about 10%.

In Texas, more than 990,000 Latinos voted statewide, double two years ago, with 80% voting for Governor candidate Tony Sanchez and 75.9% for US Senate candidate Ron Kirk. The district writes: ‘This may end the idea that Hispanics are voting Republican.’


In South Dakota, Sen Tim Johnson was re-elected by a slim 528 vote margin. Returns from the Pine Ridge reservation put him over the top against Bush-picked candidate Rep John Thune. During the summer 4,000 new Indian voters had registered, and voter turnout was up 20%, based on the issues of sovereignty and economic needs.


NOW endorsed candidates, and participated in voter registration and get out the vote drives in all key states. In Portland, Maine where Chellie Pingree ran for Senate, the NAACP, League of Untied Latin American Citizens, Peace Action Maine, Health 2000, American Muslim Society and Asian American Heritage Association all sponsored voter drives this fall.


Youth vote projects were active on a number of campuses. Youth issues were prominent in those campaigns which focused on public education, but in those races focused primarily on social security and prescription drugs it was more difficult to achieve youth involvement.


The Sierra Club put 500 volunteers and 35 staff into the field and with voter education programs reaching 2.1 million voters through door knocking and phone calls.


The Republican right-wing utilized racism to suppress the democratic process and demobilize voters. The resulting disenfranchisement greatly damages alliances against the ultra-right.

Rep Earl Hilliard in Alabama, and Rep Cynthia McKinney in Georgia were targeted and defeated in the Democratic primaries. Hilliard, a friend of the Steelworkers Union, and McKinney, an officer of the Progressive Caucus, were both outspoken against the war on Iraq and for an investigation into 9/11.

Georgia Sen. Zell Miller (D) opposed McKinney in favor of Denise Majette, an African American lawyer who changed her Republican affiliation before announcing. A huge Republican crossover vote funded by right-wing Zionist and corporate PACs defeated McKinney.

In Georgia’s general election, a racist backlash against Democratic Gov. Roy Barnes, who removed the Confederate flag from the capitol, and vicious Republican tv attack ads against Sen. Max Cleland (D) for his support of union representation in Homeland Security contributed to both of their defeat.

In Baltimore the Republican candidate for Governor Robert Ehrlich chose an African American Lieutenant Governor as his running-mate. The district writes that Ehrlich prepared ’12 ft signs of steel with the message to African American voters to make history (which) were positioned at polls all over the state of Maryland the morning of elections. Many of the posters in Baltimore City were pulled down. Baltimore City voted 75% to 24% in favor of Kathleen Townsend Kennedy.’

In Texas allegations were brought of intimidation and misinformation directed toward minority voters. Some voters were advised to send in absentee ballots on Nov 11, long after the actual deadline.

In Birmingham, Alabama flyers were posted in some Black neighborhoods telling voters that they could not vote if they owed back fines or rent, which is blatantly not true.

In Missouri the Republicans encouraged a former mayor to put out the word that African Americans should either vote for Jim Talent or stay home.

In the Florida Democratic primary, Rep Corrine Brown reported: ‘We have some precincts giving out Republican ballots [to Democrats] in the heart of the black community….It makes me feel like this is intentional. I’m outraged.’

This continuing pattern of denial of democratic rights and targeting of African American voters is meant to manipulate the outcome and prevent the will of the people from being heard. It is a frontal attack on labor and allies and must be challenged.

A broad people’s movement cannot unfold successfully without the fight for equality and unity. There is need for a new, massive civil rights movement against racism and for equal voting rights, to break down all the barriers to democratic participation and representation.


The Republican right used unlimited funds in this election, outspending labor 12 to 1. Demagogy ruled the airwaves with constant streams of ads in which Republican candidates, who cast their votes with the right-wing, usurped the language of their Democratic opponents, and claimed to be the ones in favor of saving social security, and providing prescription drugs. The volume of vicious attack ads created doubt in some voters, and turned others off from voting at all.

They utilized PAC’s with names like Americans for Job Security; America 21; United Seniors, and 60 Plus Association, which received $40 million from the pharmaceutical industry, but claimed to be representing the interests of working class seniors. The Palm Beach Post reported that the United Seniors attempted to disrupt an AARP get out the vote effort by following the AARP bus with a so-called ‘truth squad’.

The so-called moderate Republicans were successful in creating splits and divisions within the united front, siphoning off some union, some environment and other organizations who were afraid that if the Democrats did not win, they would be cut off and have no leverage.

New York is the most blatant case, which also brought racism into play. Despite opposition, the teachers union joined 1199 in endorsing Republican Governor Pataki over Carl McCall even though as Comptroller McCall consistently was a friend to that union. McCall, who would have been New York state’s first African American governor was targeted by the right-wing, including many dirty tricks tactics during the campaign.

In September, White House Political Affairs Director Kenneth Mehlman told the Washington Post that the President was creating divisions within the labor movement by developing ‘good working relationships between the building trades, the Teamsters and the more bipartisan unions’ with the goal of gaining major endorsements in 2004.

Two days after the election, Mehlman held a press conference to reveal the well-funded White House 4-point plan: 1. redistricting favorable to Republicans; 2. tailoring each candidate to the local situation; 3. coordinating issues with the White House; 4. a massive grass roots effort including coalition building, voter contact and registration, shaping issues and neighbor to neighbor get out the vote.

George Bush personally stayed on top of this election from beginning to end, including dozens of trips into Florida, the South and mid-west in the last month. He raised $140 million and skillfully capitalized on the fear in the country since September 11, which he has helped keep alive. Michael Franc, the Heritage Foundation’s vice president of government relations, giddy in anticipation of Republican control said, ‘It’s the domestic equivalent of planning for postwar Iraq’.

The USA Patriot Act clears the way for the right-wing to go after its immediate targets–the labor movement and racially and nationally oppressed communities.
The only answer is ‘organize, organize, organize.’

As the report from Missouri states: ‘Over the next two years Communists, labor unions, minority organizations, all across Missouri and the country are facing tremendous challenges and will need to do a lot of organizational and political work in order to ensure Progressive victories in 2004; and to minimize the effects of GOP domination over this period.’


Discussing the united front against fascism in 1936, the Bulgarian Communist Georgi Dimitrov said: ‘While the split in the ranks of the working class, the absence of unity between them and the other strata of the working people, pave the way to power for fascism, the unity of the proletarian ranks and the formation of the Peoples Front ensure victory for democracy over fascism, defend peace against fascist incendiaries of war, and in the long run pave the way for the victory of labor over capital.’

The 225,000 volunteers in the Labor 2002 campaign are the basis for building that unity. They could be the core of an ongoing, organized multi-racial movement for economic and social justice.

Ohio writes: ‘A fight-back direction within the political structure cannot succeed without maximum support from the primary mass base upon which it rests, the organized labor movement. Within labor, internal debate leading to an intensified fight-back policy has to be waged.’ They argue for the need to build the left within the labor movement in which the Party plays an influential role, working in close cooperation with center forces.
A strengthened labor movement provides the means for building and strengthening broader unity between labor and African American, Latino, women, and other sectors.


Related Articles

For democracy. For equality. For socialism. For a sustainable future and a world that puts people before profits. Join the Communist Party USA today.

Join Now

We are a political party of the working class, for the working class, with no corporate sponsors or billionaire backers. Join the generations of workers whose generosity and solidarity sustains the fight for justice.

Donate Now

CPUSA Mailbag

If you have any questions related to CPUSA, you can ask our experts
  • QHow does the CPUSA feel about the current American foreign...
  • AThanks for a great question, Conlan.  CPUSA stands for peace and international solidarity, and has a long history of involvement...
Read More
Ask a question
See all Answer