Building Left Unity

Opening to the National Committee

Defeating the Bush administration will require the widest possible unity. This report will discuss the role of the left and left unity in this regard. Recent developments suggest that the time has come for us to revisit this issue and refine our collective thinking.

The last election created a center-left electoral majority. The majority of the left worked to defeat Bush. This majority is likely to grow in the future. At the same time, unity of action has to be built with that section of the left that voted for Nader. The imperative of all-peoples unity and creating the broadest possible anti-Bush front demands this as the election fiasco clearly demonstrated.

A strong and rather vibrant left has emerged over the past period and is daily gaining strength. Clearly the left has a role to play. The Communist Party for some time understood this and has advanced the idea that a broad left exists in the U.S. This concept remains a vital and vibrant idea.

It was broad left forces, joined by centrists and moderates, that marched against the radical right and for a woman's right to choose in Washington a few weeks past. It was the broad left that formed a significant component of the thousands that marched against the FTAA and capitalist globalization in Montreal just days before.

However, it would be a mistake to limit the conception of the left. Left and right are defined in class terms: the broad left is a majority working-class left. It is a left that is defined by its anti-imperialist, anti-corporate, and pro?labor positions. The broad left is composed of people who are anti-racist, anti-sexist and anti-homophobic; the broad left is pro-peace and pro-environment.

The growth of this broad left is shaped and given momentum by the class struggle and the radicalization process itself. It is emerging spontaneously and is somewhat non-ideological. However, it is learning big lessons about the system, the nature of capitalism, the state, what international labor solidarity means, etc., over the last few years. The Charleston 5 struggle is a case in point.

At the same time, it should be recognized that there is a growing ideological stream in the broad left current. At many levels of the trade union movement and in civil rights, immigrant, student, and community organizations, socialist and communists are increasingly active. In the main, they are largely unorganized, and unaffiliated.

There are significant changes in the ideological positions of the organized non-sectarian Marxist forces. Here, too, a significant evolution has occurred. Faced with the collapse of socialism in Europe and part of Asia, and by what some regard as a retreat by China, many of these forces are rethinking things, re-evaluating the past, searching and seeking for new alternatives and solutions.

In fact we are witnessing a regroupment process taking place in the left ? a regroupment toward the working-class and trade union movement, a regroupment away from middle-class radicalism and anti-Communism.

It must be recognized that at least in part this regroupment process is driven by the fact that the main reasons for the division of some sections of the left have largely disappeared.

Thus the left is not what it once was. It has grown, matured and is continuing to evolve.

The Communist Party must also evolve. We must make common cause with other forces on the left. This includes groups and individuals. There is no monopoly on truth or struggle. The Party's leading role must not be confined to the ideological sphere or be the subject of declarations but must be won in the course of struggle. It is not an exclusive role. The idea of coalition building must include the revolutionary movement as well. We must start building the coalition of tomorrow, today.

The left is composed of serious people with serious ideas. We will agree with them on some things and disagree on others. The point is that we not write them off and that we work together in pursuit of those things where we hold common interests.

This has implications in the ideological sphere as well. We hold Marxism-Leninism to be an objective science. It is the product of the working-class movement. It is not the private property of anyone. The Communist Party's relationship to it, while unique, is not exclusive. While our ideology is dear to our heart we must not hold it close to our chest. Our Marxism must enable us to earnestly engage others and not separate us from them.

Updating our concept of the left means also updating our notions of the forms of left and left-center unity and left initative. Our strategic goal of defeating the ultra-right and longer-term anti-monopoly strategy leaves wide room for variety and experimentation. What may work in one field of struggle may not work in another. We have to leave room for trial, error, and correction.

Our concept of left-center unity in the trade union and other areas of work has proved its worth. It must be strengthened. CP National Chair Sam Webb has said that the whole purpose of the left is to engage the center. Of this, there can be no doubt. While continuing to emphasize our policy of working side-by-side in the trade unions and mass organizations, we must also see the need for left forms, coalitions, and initiatives around various struggles as well. The forms we utilize to engage them will vary as the situation requires. The key again is flexibility.

Whom we work with today and how we work them will determine whom we work with in the future. In a manner of speaking, coalition-building is the be all and end all of the role of the Party. We think this includes the present stage up to and including the new society. Again, we need to start building the coalition of tomorrow today.

With this in mind, we should be open to holding meetings with other organizations and individuals on the left. We should actively pursue discussions with others: Greens, independent political parties, groups and networks. We should actively attend conferences and forums like the Socialist Scholars, Rethinking Marxism and other left meetings and forums. The point is that we should actively engage with those who we hold similar views.

Some have advanced the idea of rebuilding the left: a noble objective, indeed. In our view, such an enterprise cannot be separated from the active involvement in the day-to-day struggles of the people. In addition, it is important to point out that the left cannot be built separate and apart from working to defeat the right danger. It would be a dangerous illusion to do otherwise.

The left also cannot be built without shoring up its ideological reserves, particularly in the working class. Part and parcel of this must be a reexamination of ideological weaknesses, particularly in areas relating to the relationship between the class struggle and the struggle for democracy. Here, particular attention must be paid to weaknesses and underestimation of the national question and the fight against racism, sexism and the special oppression of women, and homophobia. We have our own weaknesses in this regard.

As you know, we have also in the last period held discussions with some individuals who left the Party during the factional period. These discussions too have been engaging and rigorous and friendly.

Here, too, the new situation in the working class is making its influence felt. Here, too, people are changing their views in response to the new situation.

A lot of water has passed under the bridge since those difficult days; a lot of lessons have been learned. Since that time we have worked together in trade unions and mass organizations. We have been mutually respectful and learned to set certain things aside and to forgive, if not forget and move on.

We should recognize that not everything they said was wrong and at the same time not everything we did was right. It was difficult to get to these things because of the unique situation of the times and the nature of the struggle in which we fought.

As is well known, since the Convention, we always maintained an open door policy to those who decided to not remain in the Party. Today we should restate and renew that policy. We should also add to it that the time has come for healing. This is long overdue.

You should know that some have expressed an interest in rejoining the Party. I think we should welcome them back.

The time has come for healing. We remember that what we fought for was sound. We won the existence of our Party, its Communist character, its Marxist-Leninist outlook, our working-class line. Because of that fight we are able to stand here today, strong, united, proud, our principles intact. And with that strength and unity and pride, we are able to say the time has come for healing.

Those were difficult days back then, many lost their footing, whole parties dissolved, folks lost their way. Some are just now getting their legs. Some stayed away for subjective reasons that time and events have washed away.

We should extend a hand to all of them.

I say this not as a distant observer of those events, but as an active participant for the very heart of that fight, and I'ts because of that, because I know what that struggle meant, that I can say, the wound must be closed, the scars smoothed away

I know what the factional struggle meant. I know what we gained. I also know what we lost.

On this subject I think it is important to be objective and act in the best interest of the Party and the working-class movement. In this regard, unity is what is in our collective best interests. We open our doors to those who agree with our program, principles and ideology. We work in coalition with others who don't. We fight for left unity, left-center coalitions, broader all-peoples coalitions to defeat the ultra right. We build the coalition of tomorrow today, taking care of (to paraphrase Marx) the movement of the future in the movement of the present.